9.3 — 9.24

因为做完了论文，又有7天在 Notts 没有房住，想了想干脆买了机票回国。在家里做了几天乖孩子，享受了一下荣华富贵，又到北京去“探亲访友”。

虽然之前决定把通知消息的人数控制在最低水平，但必须承认有人到机场接的感觉还是挺好的，觉得好像回家了一样。之后几天逛了不少地方，也见了不少人。买了几本书，没事的时候就和文盲一起去附近的小店里看书，一呆一整天，3天看完3本书，大概也是我看书最快的速度了。

在北京只呆了一星期，而这一星期的后几天又尤其具有戏剧性。对我来说是一个从失落到欣喜，从怀疑到坚信的过程。虽然最关键的话在最后才说出来，有些遗憾，但我仍然觉得这个过程和随之而来的等待都是美丽的。

台湾清华彭明辉教授的研究生指导手册 « FORM AND MATTER

台湾清华彭明辉教授的研究生指导手册 « FORM AND MATTER

此文很有启发性。特别是对硕士论文的9点要求，感觉自己在平时写作的过程中并未特别注意。而如果这9点均能有意识地做到，论文的水平应该能有更大的提高。

五千英里

“这几天你怎么都不抱我一下呢？”

首都机场的国际出港很不人性化，一进门面前就是海关，而送人的人也就只能走到这里了，连个像样的说话的地方都没有。快到那个门口的时候，我才第一次抱了 Amy，我眼前是她后背在川藏线上晒黑的皮肤，耳边是她这样的低语。我们两个大概阻塞了后面旅客的通路，但已经顾不得那许多了。

为什么没有抱一下呢？很长一段时间我都以为我不再相信爱情了，在拉萨不顾全队大局和强龙不压地头蛇的古训跟司机打架只是出于对队友的关心。但是在挑照片准备带出国的时候，挑的都是她的照片，后来将近一年的时间里，也没有断过联络，以致于每天下午四五点只要没事都在电脑前等着她的 id 蹦出来，聊些土豆白菜的话题。渐渐地不仅仅是朋友而已了吧，我常常这样想，特别是当我们聊到未来，聊到家的时候。

可是溜回国后，不知打电话给她该说些什么，见了面也只想跟她在一起，却想不出除了T大附近的书店，有什么合适的地方可以呆在一起。于是我们在书店和茶室里看书，几个小时也不说一句话，直到该去吃饭了，就去那些她在水木上描述过的各色餐馆。我模模糊糊地觉得，这样的生活，虽然平淡，也是我希求已久而不得的了。

就这么拖宕到要离开了，她把伴她走过川滇藏的护身符送给我。但就是在这时，我也没敢抱她一下。我当时不知道的是，自己相信是不够的，还得让她知道才行……

就这样，拥抱和表白姗姗来迟。十几个小时之后，我在五千英里之外，和她紧握过的左手手心里似乎还传来阵阵暖流。我知道我的心被拴在了她那里。

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Chomsky 答 the Independent 读者问

很久没有买报纸了，下午为了准备搬家时的包装材料去买了一份 the Independent，在24－25版是 Noam Chomsky 回答读者提问的一个专栏。有些问题非常有趣，折射出了提问者的敏锐和回答者的睿智。Chomsky 的回答比大部分提问都更中庸，但也不乏对当权者，特别是美、以领导人的批评。Chomsky 的历史和社会学知识看来并不比他的专业语言学差多少，其历史水平可能比国内很多专业研究人员更好——至少我从未看到国内有人出版过从历史角度分析文化冲突的著作。

以下英文引用部分取自 the Independent 印刷版，2006年8月28日：Noam Chomsky: You Ask Questions。

Can Israelis and Palestinians ever live peacefully together in one state?
-- MATTHEW PETERS, PHILADELPHIA

Perhaps, but it would have to be approached in stages. Since the 1970s, an international consensus has crystallised on the first stage: a two-state settlement on the internationally recognised borders, with minor and mutual adjustments. That has been barred by the US and Israel, with inconsequential departures. The US-Israel alliance is now working to undermine the option by their programs of "convergence": annexation, dismemberment, and imprisonment (by takeover of the Jordan Valley), cynically described as "courageous withdrawal". If these policies can be reversed, and the first stage achieved, then further steps are possible.

看起来老先生比大多数人都更乐观。以色列目前在其占领区的活动确实是非法的和不道义的，但以色列人有可能放弃这片土地，回到给他们划定的狭小国土中去吗？丧失了约旦河西岸这样的战略要地后，以色列的生存能否保证？这个第一步的实现，需要一个更强大的国际社会压力和减小的美国影响，在目前的中东这两点都很难实现。

You have said you see a "hint of anti-Semitic implication" in the work of Robert Faurisson, the notorious French Holocaust denier. Is Jewbaiting merely a hobby of yours, or is it vocational?
-- LAURENCE COLE, KENT


The facts and the principle have been spelled out dozens of times since 1980 (so it is a bit boring), but once again, briefly. The last time I had anything to do with this affair, Faurisson was accused of raising questions about gas chambers. Several years later, he was tried and sentenced for "Falsification of History", but there was no charge of Holocaust denial or anti-Semitism (according to Le Monde). The only issue concerning my connection with this sordid affair is whether we should adopt the Goebbels-Zhdanov doctrine that the State has the right to determine Historical Truth and punish deviation from it. As I wrote then, and am happy to repeat, it is a gross insult to the memory of victims of the Holocaust to adopt the doctrines of their murderers. The remark you are misrepresenting is from a personal letter -- an interesting source. It reviewed the facts and went on to point out that even denial of huge atrocities would not in itself be evidence for recism, giving a few of the many examples. Thus neither you, nor I, conclude that Americans are vicious racists because they estimate Vietnamese deaths at about 5 per cent of the offical figure, or because for centuries even scholarship vastly understated the scale and character of the destruction of the indigenous population. The point generalises to England and others, of course. There can be many reasons for denying horrendous crimes, even in the cases that are the most serious on moral grounds: our own. One special case--purely hypothetical in this personal correspondence--was that denial of the Holocaust would not establish anti-Semitism, for exactly the same reason.

似乎是这位读者断章取义，误解了 Chomsky 论断的来源。他对于 Faurisson 定罪的论述很有趣，似乎认为从纯历史的角度，否认大屠杀并不构成种族主义，因此这个行为本身并不是对受害者的 the most gross insult 。而问题的关键在于国家是否具有决定历史的官方版本并禁止和惩罚任何其他版本存在的权力。规定官方版本的历史并不允许任何争辩，同时使用将个人特性与种族联系起来的手段，实际上是戈培尔式的行为，Chomsky 表示自己是不会那样做的。

How did the current US administration get railroaded by the neo-cons?
-- EIRA TOVEY, AUSTRALIA

The neo-cons constitute a radical reactionary fringe of the planning spectrum, but the spectrum is narrow. Some of the more extreme -- Perle, Wolfowitz, Feith and others -- have been removed, with little policy change. The administration adopted neo-con principles when they accorded with their strategic and social/economic objectives, dismissing crazier ideas. A serious question is how the clique in charge used its extremely narrow hold on power to carry out radical domestic and international policies opposed by the large majority of the population. I've written about it, as have others, from various perspectives. One valuable study is Jacob Hacker and Paul Pierson, Off Center.

Can the curtailment of personal freedoms and the heightened fear among many Western populations be compared to life in the years preceding the Second World War and is it an overstatement to imagine that current events are a precursor to another global conflict?
-- RAY LONG, DUBLIN

I'm sceptical about such comparisons. There is a serious risk of global conflict, but for different reasons. We should take seriously the judgement of prominent strategic analysts that current policies, particularly Bush administration aggressive militrarism, significantly increase the threat of "ultimate doom".

这位读者的问题还是要赞一下的，确实不是每个人都能提得出来。

Since American foreign policy in the Middle East has throughout history been primarily interventionist, do you think the War in Iraq was inevitable, even if Bush had not stolen the 2000 election?
-- DAVID KEELAGHAN, MONAGHAN, IRELAND

Not at all. There was unprecedented criticism of the war plans within elite sectors, compelling Bush-Blair to resort to considerable deceit to manipulate their countries into war. That aside, the US has been no more interventionist than Britain or France, often less so, as in 1956.

已经快忘了克林顿时代美国是如何对待中东国家和阿以冲突的了。但是可以肯定的是那时候的西方没有面对像今天这样迫切的“反恐”需要。“War on Terror" 今天看来更像是一场把美国拖入泥潭，让阿富汗和伊拉克人民才离虎口又入狼窝的战争。

The anti-globalisation movement, which you have lent your support to, appears to have run out of steam. Is this a lost battle?
-- DANNY CAMPBELL, CARDIFF

The term "globalisation" is conventionally used to refer to the specific form of investor-rights integration designed by wealth and power, for their own interests. The "anti-globalisation movement" is the most significant proponent of globalisation -- but in the interests of people, not concentrations of state-private power. The people from all over the world and all walks of life who meet annually in Porto Alegre, Mumbai, etc, are far more representative of globalisation than those who gather at the same time in Davos. This global justice movement is expanding in significant ways. Among the many illustrations is the proliferation of regional and local social forums, with similar concerns but focusing on more specific problems. Other illustations are the exciting developments taking place in South America. And their are many others.

Chomsky 在这段回答里提供了对全球化和反全球化的一种新看法。他认为全球化应该是服从各种各样人的利益，而不是仅仅有利于国家或私人的利益。我想他理想中的全球化是一种平等、民主的全球化，体现在尊重少数派的价值。他在这里没有提到多样性的问题，但我想这种思想和多样性的要求是一致的。

After all the lies about the "war on terror", why has nobody in America started procedures to impeach George Bush?
-- MARICARMEN SANDOVAL DE PASMANS, SINT ODILIENBERG, THE NETHERLANDS

There are several efforts, but there is unlikely to be any outcome in the absence of a genuine opposition party.

啥也不说了，一语中的。

Why do you suppose it is so difficult for us Americans to create a real citizens' movement as a proper counterweight to the administration's power?
-- HONORABLE ANNA TAYLOR, US DISTRICT COURT

The question is much too important for a brief answer. The level of activism is high, probably higher than the 1960s. But it is diffuse and not well-integrated. An ideal form of social control is an atomised collection of individuals focused on their own narrow concern, lacking the kinds of organisations in which they can gain information, develop and articulate their thoughts, and act constructively to achieve common ends. By many familiar mechanisms, that ideal has been approached in dangerous but not irreversible ways.

这段论述非常有趣。我们一般认为民间自发组成的小团体，所谓 interest groups，是一种民众获得权力的表现，但 Chomsky 提出许多仅仅考虑自己利益的小团体实际上不能对政策产生什么影响力，因而对民间团体的分化实际上成了一种社会控制手段。所以，过度细分的利益团体面临失去影响力的危险。相比之下，秦晖提倡农村的传统认同，恢复家庭、宗族等传统群体的价值，是否也会给农民带来失语的危险呢？不过在农村没有传统认同而只有“全国一盘棋”的全局认同的时代，农民的利益也是不被政策所考虑的。所以，也许在共同价值认同的基础上，一个粒度适中的社会组织形式才最有利于各利益团体的思想表达和政策的公平。